New statements are added here as they are documented. Items are sorted newest first.
Verification key. Every item on this site was checked in research and is one of two levels. Verified confirmed against a primary source or a major international outlet. Reported carried by a credible outlet, single-sourced or opinion. Claims that failed verification have been removed from this site entirely rather than shown with a caveat. Allegations untested in court are labelled as such in the text.
What happened: Police raided an investment company office on suspicion of large-scale unlicensed money changing in the parallel market, and urged the public to report illegal currency exchangers.
Why it matters: Enforcement is being directed at the symptom (parallel-market traders) rather than the cause (a dollar shortage the state has not resolved). The previous day's reporting was headlined 'nowhere left to buy a dollar'. The government continues to defend the MVR 15.42 peg while the street rate sits above MVR 20.
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What happened: Bank of Ceylon's Malé branch stopped issuing US dollars in exchange for rufiyaa for its smart remit service, telling customers the halt was due to difficulty sourcing dollars. The bank previously converted migrant workers' rufiyaa earnings to USD for outward remittances.
Why it matters: A foreign bank operating in Maldives can no longer source enough dollars to run a basic remittance product. This is the next step after the 1 September raid on Naid Investment (already in the feed): enforcement targets the parallel market while the formal market shrinks. Extends the existing dollar-crisis narrative — the tracker already records the MVR 20.50 street rate and the July MVR 20.70 peak.
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What happened: Adhadhu reported that state-owned enterprise employees are being told by superiors to join the ruling PNC or face dismissal. An unnamed SOE employee said their manager delivered an ultimatum: join the party or lose the job. The report notes that among staff already terminated in a government-ordered 33% SOE workforce reduction (targeting approximately 14,733 positions), a disproportionate number reportedly lacked PNC membership.
Why it matters: ALLEGATION, based on unnamed sources. If accurate, it would constitute political coercion of public-sector workers — a significant governance failure. The backdrop is real: the government has ordered large-scale SOE layoffs as an austerity measure, and PNC is actively recruiting ahead of its 15-18 September congress. Whether the layoffs are genuinely partisan or are simply perceived that way by affected workers is not established. Single-sourced to Adhadhu; no independent corroboration found this pass.
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What happened: The Local Government Authority directed all councils to obtain LGA approval before filling any position — permanent, contract, or temporary — citing the government's austerity measures. The directive was issued by LGA CEO Mohamed Nimal.
Why it matters: Centralises hiring decisions for elected local councils in a national agency. Arriving weeks after the opposition swept all five city mayoralties in April 2026, the timing invites a reading as a check on opposition-held councils' operational autonomy. The stated rationale (austerity) is consistent with the broader SOE and budget cuts, so both readings are plausible.
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What happened: Malé City Mayor Adam Azim warned that budget cuts following the removal of vehicle-related fees could make it difficult for the council to pay staff salaries in the coming months.
Why it matters: Azim is an opposition mayor (MDP, elected April 2026), so the statement may carry political motivation. However, the underlying fiscal pressure is consistent with the broader austerity pattern — LGA hiring controls were issued the same day. If council salary arrears materialise, it would be a concrete impact of centralised budget decisions on opposition-held local government.
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“After deducting loans, salaries, and expenses, they can pay 40 percent in dollars”
What happened: The First Amendment to the Foreign Currency Act took effect, doubling mandatory conversion for Category A tourism establishments from 20% to 40% of monthly gross foreign-currency sales, monthly rather than quarterly, and removing the USD 500-per-tourist alternative. Ratified 31 August 2026. Entities that are 100% Maldivian-owned convert 7%. The amendment also bans promoting or advertising currency sales above the MMA's published rate, with fines up to MVR 1m for individuals and MVR 5m for legal entities.
Why it matters: The President described the 40% as applying after deducting loans, salaries and expenses. The Act applies it to GROSS SALES and specifies no deductions. That gap is the central dispute: a resort on a 25% margin converting 40% of gross converts more than its whole profit. His own tourism adviser Mohamed Khaleel resigned over the policy; MATI called it not viable and had been discussing 20% with the MMA weeks earlier.
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What happened: Muizzu ratified the Eighth Amendment to the GST Act, extending the 17% Tourism GST to offshore booking platforms, foreign tour operators and overseas travel agents supplying inbound tourism products, on the destination principle and levied on margin or commission. Effective 1 October 2026. MIRA projects MVR 1.61 billion in additional annual revenue. The same package raised withholding tax on non-resident construction contractors from 5% to 10%.
Why it matters: The principle is mainstream — the EU, New Zealand and Australia tax offshore sellers this way, and margin on a Maldivian room night is value arising in the Maldives. The execution is the problem: six weeks' notice, effective mid-season on rate sheets already signed; a combined charge near 27% where commissions already bear 10% withholding; no input tax deduction or relief against home-country tax; no apportionment rule for bundled packages; and no published derivation of the MVR 1.6bn estimate.
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“The Government formulates, passes, and ratifies bills only after conducting extensive technical studies.”
What happened: Said at the ceremony ratifying seven bills at once — including both the 8th Amendment to the GST Act and the 1st Amendment to the Foreign Currency Act. He added that the forex amendment would provide 'critical economic relief, including curbing parallel market exchange rates', and that 'data and economic assessments demonstrate that the statutory foreign currency surrender and exchange requirements will neither disrupt resort operations nor hinder the payment of dollar-denominated salaries'. He also cautioned that the law 'must not be used as an excuse to reduce or withhold wages from employees paid in US dollars'.
Why it matters: Three problems, all from his own office's text. First, the claim of extensive technical study sits against MATI's account that the 40% figure appeared weeks after the MMA had proposed 20%, with no consultation in between, and against six weeks' notice on the GST change. Second, the 'data and economic assessments' have not been published — their absence is the central criticism of both measures. Third, and most telling: he explicitly warned the law must not be used to cut dollar wages. That is precisely what is reported to be happening, workers are losing MVR 3,000–5,000 a month, and no protection against it was written into the Act — which is why an opposition MP has had to file a separate bill to force service charge to be paid in the currency it was collected in. He named the risk and legislated without a safeguard against it.
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“Thilamalé Bridge stands as a symbol of strong ties with India”
What happened: Official President's Office release, 30 August 2026. Headline as published on presidency.gov.mv.
Why it matters: The completion of the India-funded Greater Malé Connectivity Project is now promoted by the President's own office as proof of Maldives–India friendship. The bridge is financed by a USD 400 million Indian Exim Bank line of credit and a USD 100 million Indian government grant — a project begun under Solih and campaigned against by the movement that carried Muizzu to office. This is the plainest available measure of the distance travelled from 'India Out'.
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What happened: Commentary headlined 'Why Muizzu's information commissioner pick should alarm everyone' argues the appointment undermines right-to-information access.
Why it matters: Bears directly on the transparency pledge. The Information Commissioner is the office citizens rely on to force disclosure of exactly the kind of document — the UTF agreement, uncontested contract awards — that this administration has kept sealed. Note: this is an opinion column, not a news report.
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“no point remaining as adviser while a policy damaging the industry was being pursued”
What happened: Mohamed Khaleel — the President's tourism adviser, managing director of Pulse, shareholder in Manta Air and a member of Muizzu's Economic Council since November 2024 — resigned over the 40% conversion requirement, saying doubling the amount resorts convert would not ease the dollar shortage. The same sitting passed amendments letting cabinet strip land and assets from council jurisdiction, and moved Malé's transport functions from the city council to a new ministry office.
Why it matters: The government's own appointed expert on this sector resigned rather than defend the policy — not an opposition figure or a foreign outlet. The accompanying centralisation measures, taken months after the opposition won all five city mayoralties, transfer powers away from councils the government no longer controls.
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What happened: Court ruled that equipment seized from Adhadhu in the April raid cannot be returned while the investigation continues.
Why it matters: Four months after the raid, the newsroom's hardware remains in police custody with no charge-sheet resolution. Prolonged retention of working equipment functions as an operational penalty on the outlet regardless of the case outcome.
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What happened: The High Court opened a second appeal against the Criminal Court gag order, filed by Adhadhu CEO Hussain Fiyaz Moosa, listed for 09:00. An earlier appeal by the Maldives Journalists Association had been dismissed on 17 May on the ground that the MJA lacked standing to challenge the order.
Why it matters: The standing dismissal is significant on its own: the country's professional body for journalists was held to have no legal interest in an order that silences journalists. The outcome of Fiyaz's own appeal was not established in this research pass and is an open item for the next run.
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What happened: IMF staff concluded the 2026 Article IV mission. Risk of overall and external debt distress remains HIGH. Growth for 2026 projected at roughly 1 percent, down from an estimated 6.3 percent in 2025.
Why it matters: Directly contradicts the administration's framing that it has handled the debt situation 'in a disciplined manner' and that the country is 'better placed to weather global headwinds'. The IMF risk rating has not improved across the term.
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What happened: Adhadhu counted 12 employees dismissed and 7 suspended from state-owned enterprises during 2026 for political reasons, with more than 50 disciplinary actions since the administration took office. Broken down: Fenaka Corporation 4 dismissals, Hithadhoo Ports 3, MTCC 3, WAMCO 2, MIFCO in Gaafu Alif Villingili 7 suspensions, and one abolished post at the Maldives Transportation Safety Board. Hithadhoo North MP Abdulla Sodiq said 10 people involved in his campaign had been dismissed. The government cites cost-cutting. The MDP is providing legal assistance.
Why it matters: This matters more than the anonymous accounts of party-membership pressure, because it is countable and attributable organisation by organisation, with a named MP on the record. It also contradicts a specific pledge: Muizzu took office promising that no SOE employee would be dismissed for political reasons. The figures come from an opposition-aligned chain of sources and the government's cost-cutting explanation is not disproven — but the pattern is documented rather than asserted.
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“The government should urgently reverse the dangerous backsliding on media freedom.”
What happened: HRW Asia Director Elaine Pearson, in a report documenting the crackdown. HRW records that Leevan Ali Naseer (29) and Mohamed Shahzan (31) were the first journalists jailed on criminal charges since the 2008 democratic constitution; that the Prosecutor General charged Adhadhu's CEO and managing editor under section 612(a) of the penal code; and that Naseer was moved to solitary confinement and denied access to medical treatment for a skin condition that worsened in custody.
Why it matters: The solitary-confinement and denied-medical-treatment findings are the most serious detail in the record and appear in no earlier version of this tracker. MJA's Mohamed Junayd described the pattern as 'a calculated dismantling of the legal safeguards designed to protect journalists'.
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What happened: The High Court dismissed the Maldives Journalists Association's appeal against the gag order, ruling the association lacked standing to challenge it.
Why it matters: A procedural dismissal rather than a ruling on the merits — the order's legality was never examined. It leaves challenges available only to named parties, a narrow gate when the order binds the general public.
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What happened: Three former presidents announced an opposition coalition. Police detained 10 protesters the same day.
Why it matters: An alignment of Nasheed, Solih and Yameen — figures who spent fifteen years as each other's principal adversaries — is a measure of how far the political centre has consolidated against the incumbent.
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What happened: Adhadhu CEO Hussain Fiyaz Moosa and Editor Hassan Mohamed pleaded NOT GUILTY at a closed-door hearing to a charge under section 612(a) of the penal code, which carries up to one year and seven months' imprisonment and up to 80 lashes.
Why it matters: Both men contest the charge. Because the trial is closed and the discovery material is covered by the court order, no public record of the evidence either way will exist unless that order is lifted.
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What happened: Adhadhu journalists Mohamed Shahzan (15 days) and Leevan Ali Naseer (10 days) were sentenced to prison after closed contempt hearings, plus fines of about MVR 26,000 (USD 1,700) each. Shahzan, Vice President of the Maldives Journalists Association, was detained over questions raised at a live press briefing from which he was expelled on the President's orders. Leevan was sentenced for reporting that the gag order existed.
Why it matters: First imprisonment of media workers since the 2008 democratic constitution. That one sentence was for reporting the existence of a court order — not its contents — marks the suppression as extending to the fact of suppression itself. Condemned by CPJ, RSF, IFJ and IPI; a complaint was filed with the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights.
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What happened: The Criminal Court issued a nationwide gag order prohibiting discussion of the documentary.
Why it matters: A blanket prohibition on public discussion of allegations against a sitting head of state, imposed by a court whose independence is itself contested.
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“directly or indirectly”
What happened: Criminal Court Judge Muzammil Nasir issued a gag order binding the defendants, the Prosecutor General's Office and the general public. It prohibits sharing the documentary or discussing its subject matter 'directly or indirectly'. The trial was closed and lawyers were barred from disclosing trial information or discovery documents. Breach is contempt.
Why it matters: The scope is the point: an order binding the general public, not just the parties, reaching 'indirect' discussion. Because it also covers discovery material, evidence tested at trial can never become public even in outline. Two days later two journalists were jailed under it.
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What happened: Maldivian travel and hospitality associations estimated roughly USD 500 million in tourism losses since March 2026, attributed to the regional conflict, with guesthouses and travel agencies warning of closures without government intervention.
Why it matters: External shock rather than policy failure — but it lands on an economy with 1.4 months of import cover and no fiscal buffer, which is what turns a bad quarter into a currency crisis.
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“relevant authorities to press charges against all parties who spread such false information”
What happened: Police raided Adhadhu's office late at night, seizing laptops and storage devices — hours after Muizzu publicly called for charges against those spreading the allegations. Muizzu denied the allegations the same day. Presidential spokesperson Heena Waleed called them 'baseless and blatant lies'.
Why it matters: The sequence matters: the President called for prosecution, and the raid followed within hours. This is the causal link international press-freedom bodies cited when characterising the action as retaliatory rather than procedural. Two days later the CEO and Editor were questioned and five criminal charges were filed.
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What happened: Per figures from the President's Office website, the administration maintains 81 posts at state minister rank and 122 at deputy minister rank — 203 in those two tiers alone, excluding senior political directors and political directors.
Why it matters: Directly contradicts the pledge to cut political appointments. Context both ways: in October 2024 the government did announce removal of 228 appointees (7 state ministers, 43 deputy ministers, 109 senior political directors, 69 political directors), projected to save about USD 370,000 a month. The cull happened, and the headcount is still this high.
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What happened: Ali Shareef was appointed Minister of Climate Change, Environment and Energy on 14 April 2026. Within days, his own earlier posts on X resurfaced: mocking former MP Ibrahim Ismail's disability, calling former President Mohamed Nasheed an apostate, and labelling Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi a terrorist. No response from Shareef or the government is recorded.
Why it matters: A vetting failure, and a pointed one. Calling a foreign head of government a terrorist is precisely what cost the Maldives its largest tourist market in January 2024 — and the administration appointed to cabinet someone with that on his public record, two years later, while courting India's return. Sourced to reporting on the posts rather than to the posts themselves; the original dates are not documented.
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What happened: The People's National Front — the party founded by Muizzu's former mentor Abdulla Yameen — staged rallies demanding the President's resignation. Protests continued and remained ongoing as of 29 August 2026, with 20 arrests and 3 injuries reported over the period, including taser injuries. Police used pepper spray and riot gear.
Why it matters: The demand for resignation originates from Muizzu's own political parent party, not the traditional opposition — the clearest signal of the rupture with Yameen.
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“fully accept election results and congratulate those who won”
What happened: Muizzu's response after voters rejected his constitutional referendum 68.74% to 31.26% and his party lost all five city mayoralties. He separately pledged to 'carry out the work needed to improve what needs improving, in line with the pulse of the people'.
Why it matters: He accepted the result but did not address the referendum defeat directly. Opposition leaders read it as a verdict on the administration, not on the technical question of election timing — Solih: 'The people have said no to the government's policies.'
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What happened: Constitutional referendum on holding presidential and parliamentary elections concurrently DEFEATED: No 148,859 (68.74%), Yes 67,680 (31.26%). Turnout 74.98% (221,111 votes). Simultaneously, the opposition MDP won all five city mayoral races, including Malé (Adam Azim 45.21% v PNC's Moosa Ali Jaleel 30.12%), Kulhudhuffushi 68.84%, Addu 64.96%, Fuvahmulah 63.87% and Thinadhoo 50.58%.
Why it matters: The single most important political fact of Muizzu's term to date, and one absent from most promise trackers. A president holding a 75/93 parliamentary supermajority put a question directly to voters and lost it better than two-to-one on a 75% turnout — demonstrating that the supermajority reflects the 2024 electoral map, not current public support. The eighth amendment is dead; the Majlis term runs to May 2029.
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What happened: A Maldivian news outlet published a documentary containing personal allegations against President Muizzu. The President and the President's Office denied the allegations in full. No court has found any of them proven, and a court order issued in May 2026 restricts public discussion of them.
Why it matters: This tracker does not examine the allegations and takes no view on them. The entry exists only to date the start of the events that followed, which are recorded here because they concern the conduct of the state: a police raid on a newsroom, a court order binding the general public, and the imprisonment of two journalists.
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“healthy and resilient”
What happened: Finance Minister Zameer presented a record MVR 64.2 billion (USD 4.1 billion) budget, citing fiscal discipline and 5.4% growth for 2025. Deficit MVR 8.8 billion (7.1% of GDP); debt service MVR 5.5 billion. The World Bank countered that total public debt had reached 126.9% of GDP and would stay near 135% over the medium term, that 'no progress' had been made on reforms announced in 2024, and that subsidies were nearly exhausted going into the final quarter. By 2026, 70% of government revenue goes to debt payments.
Why it matters: A documented contradiction between the government's own budget narrative and the World Bank assessment published against it. The 70%-of-revenue figure is the one that matters: it is the practical ceiling on everything else this administration has promised.
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“true and meaningful stability can only come if [we] eradicate that evil and poisonous current of revenge”
What happened: In a 53-minute two-year anniversary rally speech Muizzu claimed: no political prisoners; gang crime down 49%; 9,021 foreign workers deported (a 143% increase); 825 housing units delivered with 3,000 planned for Hulhumalé/Villimalé and 4,000 more for Greater Malé; and a record judiciary budget granted without ministry approval.
Why it matters: Rebutted the same week. MDP President Abdulla Shahid: more than 200 projects worth MVR 2.7 billion (USD 175 million) awarded without competitive bidding; the dollar black market at historic highs; Rasmalé reclamation 'stalled or fallen far behind schedule'. A Sun editorial noted the government secured only about 10% of projected MVR 2.6 billion grant aid for 2025, and that political appointees outnumber trained diplomats 78 to 48 across 21 missions — the Kuala Lumpur embassy alone holding 19 political appointees against 2 foreign service officers.
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What happened: Modi's state visit to Malé. India extended a line of credit of INR 4,850 crore (about USD 565 million), amended debt repayment terms, donated 72 vehicles and defence equipment, and jointly inaugurated a new Ministry of Defence building with Muizzu. Six MoUs signed; free trade agreement negotiations agreed.
Why it matters: Muizzu campaigned on removing Indian defence personnel and jointly opened an India-built Defence Ministry with the Indian Prime Minister roughly twenty months later. Modi called the building 'a concrete building of trust'.
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What happened: The government signed an MoU worth about USD 600 million for Thinadhoo International Airport with Thailand's Pan Pacific Company Limited — signed by Construction and Infrastructure Minister Dr Abdulla Muththalib and Pan Pacific CEO Jirat Petnunthawong. Adhadhu's investigation found the firm is registered in wholesale clothing, reported assets of roughly USD 27,150, made no profit in 2020, has no website and no completed major projects, and is unconnected to the Singapore-based Pan Pacific Hotels Group. It traced links to Ocean Quartier Properties, founded 2015 by Thai nationals Jirat and Vorachat Petnunthawong, which holds no business permit, lists a non-existent office address, obtained two Maldivian islands and completed neither planned project, and appears on the tax delinquency list.
Why it matters: UPGRADED from unverified. The draft's claim of a '$600 million airport contract to a Thai clothing wholesaler' is substantially borne out by Adhadhu's documented investigation into Thai and Maldivian registry records. Signed in the run-up to the 2024 parliamentary elections. Note this is an MoU with a proposed private financier, not a disbursed state contract — the exposure is to non-delivery and to the award process, not to USD 600 million of public money already spent.
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“clown”
What happened: Three deputy ministers at the Ministry of Youth Empowerment, Information and Arts — Abdulla Mahzoom Majid, Mariyam Shiuna and Malsha Shareef — were suspended after posts on X calling Narendra Modi a 'clown', a 'terrorist' and a 'puppet of Israel', made after Modi posted about visiting Lakshadweep. The government distanced itself from 'derogatory remarks on social media platforms against foreign leaders and high-ranking individuals'.
Why it matters: The single most expensive social media episode in Maldivian history. The #BoycottMaldives campaign that followed took Indian arrivals from 209,198 in 2023 to 130,805 in 2024 — a loss of 78,393 visitors and first place among source markets. Three posts by junior officials, and the tourism industry is still paying for them: India sits fifth in 2026. Note the government suspended the officials but never apologised.
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What happened: A screenshot circulated widely showing Muizzu posting 'I apologise to our Indian friends with folded hands on behalf of our ministers'. It is fabricated. BOOM checked his verified account, cached versions showing his last post was 5 January not 7 January, Social Blade data confirming no deleted post that day, and replies referencing only the 5 January post. It originated from a right-wing account on X.
Why it matters: Recorded here deliberately, because it cuts against the grain of this tracker. No such apology was made — but the fake was widely believed, and anyone citing it would be repeating a forgery. What actually happened is narrower and worth stating plainly: his office suspended the officials and called the remarks personal, but issued no apology. Screenshots of posts are not evidence, and this tracker does not treat them as such.
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